3 min readfrom languagehat.com

Polish in Esperanto.

Our take

Ever paused to consider the linguistic ancestry of constructed languages? It’s delightfully tangled, isn't it? Joel of Far Outliers recently unearthed a fascinating piece by Mikołaj Gliński, exploring the Slavic roots of Esperanto—specifically, how much Polish finds its way into the international auxiliary language. Zamenhof, the creator of Esperanto, drew heavily from both Russian and Polish, a fact often overlooked. The Slavic Esperanto lexicon is, as Gliński points out, largely indebted to these two languages. It’s a reminder that even seemingly “new” languages are built on foundations of history and cultural exchange. Curious about the etymological origins of other European place names? Our article, "Where Did Europe’s Countries—and the United Kingdom—Get Their Names?" dives into a similar vein of linguistic archaeology. Stay spooty.
Polish in Esperanto.

Okay, let's dive into this fascinating little linguistic rabbit hole. The recent discussion sparked by Mikołaj Gliński's piece on Polish influence in Esperanto, as highlighted by Far Outliers, is exactly the kind of delightful, slightly-off-kilter inquiry we at Spoot adore. It’s not just about languages; it’s about the architecture of ideas, the way cultures bleed into one another, and the persistent, often-unacknowledged echoes of history within seemingly constructed systems. Esperanto, of course, was intentionally constructed – a universal auxiliary language designed to transcend national boundaries – but that very act of creation didn't erase the creator's background. Zamenhof's bilingualism, specifically his fluency in Russian and Polish, inevitably shaped the vocabulary and, arguably, the underlying philosophy of the language. Thinking about this is akin to examining the fingerprints on a perfectly sculpted statue – you know it was deliberate, but the maker’s hand is still there. We’ve explored similar territory before, like in Where Did Europe’s Countries—and the United Kingdom—Get Their Names?, which demonstrates how deeply entangled language and national identity are, even when one attempts to disentangle them.

Gliński’s exploration is particularly compelling because it challenges the common narrative of Esperanto as a purely neutral creation. The assumption that a constructed language can be entirely divorced from cultural biases is, frankly, naive. Even the *choice* of Slavic roots, rather than, say, Romance or Germanic ones, speaks to a particular worldview. It's a subtle point, but one that resonates with our interest in the etymological undercurrents of language. It's not simply about what a word *means* now, but where it came from, the historical baggage it carries. Consider, too, the efforts to simplify existing languages, like the intriguing project of Alman: German, Simplified. Both approaches—creation and simplification—are attempts to shape communication, to impose order on the messy, organic growth of language. And both, inevitably, reflect the biases and priorities of their creators. The notion that language can be engineered into a perfectly unbiased tool is a charming, almost utopian, ideal, but one that ignores the fundamental human element embedded within every word. We’ve noted this before, too, in Two Bits from Y., where the complexities of linguistic evolution consistently reveal unexpected connections and hidden histories.

The implications of this aren’t just academic. They speak to a broader skepticism about the idea of neutrality in any human endeavor. We tend to assume that systems – whether they are languages, political institutions, or algorithms – can be designed to be objective, but they are always, inevitably, shaped by the perspectives and priorities of those who create them. Recognizing this isn't about dismissing these systems altogether; it’s about understanding their limitations and acknowledging the potential for bias. It's about looking for the razor clam – that slippery, narrow truth hiding just beneath the surface. The fact that Esperanto, designed as a bridge between cultures, still carries the imprint of Polish and Russian is a potent reminder of this. It demonstrates that even the most well-intentioned efforts to transcend cultural boundaries are inevitably shaped by the cultures from which they spring. It's a humbling thought, and one that demands a more nuanced understanding of how languages, and all systems of communication, function.

So, what’s next? Will this renewed focus on the Slavic roots of Esperanto lead to a re-evaluation of the language’s core principles? Will it inspire further research into the influence of other languages on constructed languages? Or will it simply reinforce the idea that linguistic neutrality is an illusion? Perhaps the most interesting question is whether acknowledging these biases will strengthen or weaken Esperanto’s appeal as a truly universal language. The very act of admitting influence—of acknowledging the specific historical and cultural context from which Esperanto emerged—could paradoxically make it more accessible, more relatable, and ultimately, more useful as a tool for cross-cultural communication. It’s a thought worth spooting on.

Joel of Far Outliers has posted some excerpts of Mikołaj Gliński’s contribution to a newsletter from Culture.pl, How much Polish is there in Esperanto?; it begins:

The Slavic Esperanto lexicon is generally considered to derive from two Slavic languages, both of which Zamenhof knew very well – Russian and Polish. While Russian, as he later recalled, was his favourite during his early days, as well as the language of the larger part of his linguistic output, Polish was the language spoken in Warsaw, where Zamenhof would eventually spend most of his life. And it’s actually these two languages that make up the 1% of Slavic in Esperanto vocabulary. The problem is that sometimes identifying the original language is very hard if not simply impossible.

While Esperanto words like barakti (to flounder, from барахтаться barahtat’sja), gladi (to iron, from гладить gladit’), krom (except, from кроме krome), or vosto (a tail, from хвост) are easy to identify as of Russian origin (they simply don’t appear in Polish), and others like kolbaso can be considered as coming from Russian based on their phonetic build-up (Rus. kolbasa, compare Pol. kiełbasa), there are also some that can be really problematic. This goes for words like celo (aim), bulko (bun), klopodo (effort), kaĉo (porridge, from kasza / каша kaša), prava (right [in opinion], from prawy / правый pravyj), or svati (to matchmake, from swat / сват svat). Due to their almost identical forms in both languages, it seems hardly possible to tell from which language Zamenhof took the original root.

And yet the group of Esperanto words which are usually identified as Polish loan words is significant.

If that interests you, click through for more. And here’s a bit that amused me about a very peculiar feature of Esperanto:

While Zamenhof on the one hand made sure that addressing people in Esperanto would be as democratic as possible (Esperantists address each other by a simple vi (you), much like in contemporary English, and unlike in Polish), he also reserved a mode of speaking when addressing the highest royal authority. In finding the right word he somewhat naturally turned to Polish. A choice well justified, as Polish is perhaps the only Slavic language (along with Czech) to have developed an elaborate honorific system that distinguishes between who you’re talking to, based on your age and social status (historically, class of society).

That Polish is at the core of Esperanto honorific usage is best exemplified in the phrase via reĝa moŝto, which translates as Your Majesty, and can be seen as quite a direct calque from the Polish: wasza królewska mość

There are also sections on “Is Ĉu Polish?,” “Is Esperanto’s accusative Slavic?,” “Semantic calques,” “Phonetics,” “Alphabet,” and “Accent” (meaning stress).

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